The BJP government at the Center has extended the Pradhan Mantri Garib Kalyan Anna Yojana for six months. It is believed that about 80 crore people from poor social groups will be benefited by this. The newly-elected government of Uttar Pradesh has also extended this scheme for three months in the first meeting of the cabinet. It is noteworthy that this scheme was launched to provide relief to the poor social groups suffering the horrific shock of the Corona epidemic. It is now believed that despite the epidemic being controlled, employment, economy and society in the country have not been able to come to their smooth rhythm. In such a situation, the extension of Garib Kalyan Anna Yojana will give relief to the people.
Though ration distribution projects were started in some states of South India as early as the 90s, but food security was implemented as a central initiative by the Congress-led UPA government. In the year 2014, when the BJP-led NDA government came to the center, it started various types of poor welfare schemes and worked consciously to ensure that their distribution is done till the base level. This is the reason that this ration scheme started during the Corona-era is known today as the world’s largest food security program.
Globally, whether it is a western country or a South Asian country like India, democracy has been progressing almost everywhere by being integrated with welfare schemes. But after the neo-liberal system came into force in the 90s, due to aggressive expansion of the market, many interpreters began to believe that India would give up its public welfare model. But this apprehension is getting almost allayed, as the Center has not abandoned its welfare commitments while working towards creating conditions for the expansion of the market. Many schemes have been started like Ujjwala Yojana, Direct Cash Transfer Scheme, Pension Scheme, Ayushman Bharat Scheme, Free Ration Scheme, Kisan Samman Nidhi.
The corona pandemic has increased the need for such welfare schemes. These welfare schemes have developed such a large section of beneficiaries, such social support enhances them the power to aspire for development. In other words, these projects empower the ‘marginalized society’ to dream of development.
Some people believe that the state will have to get rid of such welfare schemes gradually. Efforts have to be made to make them self-reliant by developing entrepreneurship in social groups. This is true, and the government is also working in this direction through many efforts for entrepreneurship development and self-employment generation, but poor welfare schemes are the need of the society and also the moral commitment of the nation. Whether it is leftist rule or right wing or democracy all over the world, according to the needs of their respective society, everyone has to go with ‘public-welfare schemes’. In such a situation, despite the increasing economic pressure on the state, poor welfare schemes are a way of life for the poor and very poor social groups.
It is true that such popular schemes lead to political mobilization in favor of the parties in power. But if we look at it in the context of the politics of development, then in the coming times, towards the ‘development-goal’ towards which the country has to move, politics will have to be development-oriented. The state power has to work continuously on economically dynamic groups, such as people associated with industry, business, market, as well as on popular poor welfare schemes. The central government seems to stand in favor of such a development-oriented politics, in which Antyodaya and poor welfare are an essential element. Perhaps that is why in the recent assembly elections, the campaign of ‘Garib Kalyan’ has been a key element of the BJP’s election discourse and has played a major role in politically turning the poor sections of the society in its favour. We have seen that the general understanding of Hindutva, the aspiration for development, the linkage generated by the poor welfare programmes, social engineering, the image of Prime Minister Narendra Modi, all these together have created the political folk song of the BJP in the assembly elections.
But development-oriented politics also has its own challenges. It develops such a beneficiary consciousness, which is continuously active and growing. The nation has to respond to that beneficiary consciousness through new schemes according to the ever-changing needs. In this consciousness both forward and retrograde feelings are inherent. Therefore, the state has to continuously evaluate it and address it in a new way. The second challenge is that maintaining social balance is a difficult task in the politics of development. It is not an easy task like the politics of identity, but it is as difficult and complicated as walking on a tied rope. But for social change, such dangers have to be taken and the political party or leader who takes the risk and achieves the goal, he reaches the top of popularity.
This politics of development is as difficult and arduous as creating conditions for a tiger and a goat to drink water together on a ghat, as desired by Mahatma Gandhi. Perhaps that is why he inspired all of us to evaluate development in terms of the last man in the society. It remains to be seen how Indian democracy is able to carry forward the mission of building a New India while balancing its relationship with public-welfare commitment.
(These are the author’s own views)