The death of Angel Chakma and the new narrative emerging from the slogan ‘Go back to China’ to the Karbi community in Sixth Schedule Karbi Anglong shed light on a new dimension of the citizenship crisis.
Recently, a video went viral in Assam’s Karbi Anglong, in which some people are seen shouting at the youth of the local Karbi community, “Go back to China.” Barely a few days after this incident, Angel Chakma, a student from Tripura, was attacked after racial slurs in Dehradun in the far north. He died as a result of his injuries. It is said that during the attack he kept saying that he was not Chinese but Indian. But the attackers did not listen to him. “People from the North-East always have to explain themselves,” said a member of the North-East Students’ Society (NESSDU) at Delhi University.
While the Karbi Anglong incident is being said to be the result of mutual feud, the Dehradun incident is being called racial violence. But if we look at both together, the more disturbing thing is that the feeling of belonging in the North-East has weakened. People living outside their area are viewed with suspicion. The incidents are different, but the reasons are the same. These doubts are increasing with time.
In Karbi Anglong, calling the Karbi people ‘Chinese’ is not a simple insult or an angry outburst. This has deep political consequences, erasing the historical basis of indigenous status and making it questionable. This suggests that the existence of ancestors can be denied by manipulation of the population and that identity persists unless aggressively challenged by the majority population.Give.
Angel Chakma beaten to death in Dehradun
It is not a coincidence that such things are being said openly in the Sixth Schedule area, which means that this Schedule was specifically put in place to resolve the day-to-day disputes of indigenous people, so that land, administration and cultural rights can be protected from absurd allegations by force of numbers or loud voice. But its purpose was never merely symbolic or merely formal recognition. Its purpose was to strengthen belonging.
However, an autonomous council in Karbi Anglong also exists, the boundaries are notified and there is frequent mention of it in the official language. Yet, when the Karbi people were insulted by calling them Chinese, emotions ran high. “To be asked to “go back” from our own land is not only insulting but also makes us realize how weakened our identity and security has become,” said a Karbi youth who participated in the protests.
The government’s reaction to this was strict. As a precautionary measure, internet services were suspended in Karbi Anglong. Connectivity was restored after five days after reviewing the law and order situation. But this was not an attempt at a political solution, but an exercise in administrative control. It neither made local rights clear nor took any initiative to prevent such allegations, which led to this situation.
The same trend continued in later government initiatives also. Tripartite talks were held under the chairmanship of the Chief Minister and it was announced that the Karbi Anglong Autonomous Council would cancel the trade licenses of commercial establishments operating on the disputed land and launch eviction and fencing drives. These were measures whose purpose was administrative action after the incident, and not an exercise to protect the rights of local people.
While the Karbi Anglong incident weakens the identity of the natives, the murder of Angel Chakma shows that a man from the North-East becomes an alien as soon as he moves out of his area. This is not a new experience for the people of the North-East. The burden of verifying their documents or presenting clarification falls on them. Before knowing their name, they are considered foreigners just by their face. Their dialect and language are made fun of. People from the North-East are viewed with suspicion in hostels, on the streets and at workplaces.
Chakma’s death is a gross failure of the government and law and order. She cannot guarantee security to her own countryman because of his appearance. Whatever the text of the Constitution may promise, citizenship has been made conditional in practice.
In Dehradun too, the reaction of the government and administration was like the familiar script. The Chief Minister of Uttarakhand called the victim’s family, expressed formal ‘regret’ and promised strict punishment to the culprits. Police said several accused have been arrested and investigation is underway.
Karbi Anglong and Dehradun are far-flung areas, but perceptions are vaguely similar, which has long shaped the perception of the people of the North-East. But the government has never explained how to protect the rights of indigenous people as population and economic pressure increases. The government machinery has never asserted that the people of the North-East are as much Indians as the people of the rest of the country. They have the right to security and respect without any explanation or proof.
Indigenous communities on their lands are reminded, sometimes indirectly, sometimes directly, that their claims to land and rights may be scrutinized, or ignored. In the outer areas they may have to face harassment and violence and may be made to feel that they are strangers or foreigners.
Civil society reactions have been more direct. Condemning the slogans raised in favor of Karbi Anglong, the All Assam Students Union said, “Such behavior towards the indigenous people on the land of Assam is intolerable.”
This ambiguity is not coincidental. For decades, governments in the Northeast have relied on procrastination rather than resolution, leading to continued migration to the region, while local people’s concerns have been attributed to the insecurity of migrants.
Is the Sixth Schedule redundant?
The Sixth Schedule is at the heart of it because it exists in theory but has been hollowed out in practice. The importance of the councils formed under it has diminished, their decisions are often ignored and autonomy is limited to consultation only. What was supposed to act as a shield has gradually become a means which is used not only for prevention but also to hush up disputes.
Karbi Anglong reflects this change. The provisions of the Sixth Schedule no longer stop threats because they do not dictate the behavior of people at the ground level. When security measures become proactive rather than preventative, their meaning changes. They stop setting boundaries and start managing consequences instead. This is not an administrative mistake. This is a political decision to maintain the pretense of independence. Its structure is maintained, but it is made toothless. Necessary powers for implementation are not given. By doing so, the state system formally accepts their existence as indigenous people but in reality leaves them unprotected.
The National Human Rights Commission has issued a notice to the Dehradun district administration and police, seeking a report and asking them to take steps to ensure the safety of the students of the North-East.
In fact, the society of the North-East has always been made up of hills, valleys and movement across borders and there has been no need to deny its validity to accept this truth. The new problem is that there is a continuous refusal to manage that movement honestly. Social agreements are never made clear and communities are left exposed without any mediation or political reconciliation. There is no need for ideology to take root in resentment in this void. When security is weak and responsibilities are not clear, concern turns to suspicion, suspicion finds racial language and the resulting tension turns to violence.
The alternative will not be appeals to goodwill or symbolic talks of reconciliation, but the solution will come only through clarity about rights, responsibilities and consequences. The biggest drawback of the violence in Dehradun and the Karbi Anglong incident was that due to both the incidents everything remained unresolved.
(The author is a researcher and alumnus of Kautilya School of Public Policy. Views are personal)
